Desicritics Author: Madhu Chandra

Inaction of State Governments is a Great Concern for Civil Liberty

Madhu Chandra — Tue, 10 Feb 2009 08:41:30 EST

Be it the post-Godhra episode in Gujarat 2002 or the ethnic cleansing of Christians in Orissa 2008 or the Mangalore Pub attack on women, the inaction of the ruling state government in dealing with fanatic outfits is a grave concern for Indian secularism.

The BJP Karnataka Government’s home minister making a decision to wait and watch the Sri Ram Sene outfit to carry out their diktat on "couples celebrating Valentine’s Day will be forced to marry in temples" is the clear sign of inaction of the state government.

Attacks on civil society carried out by religious fanatics of Hindutva brigades appear in mushrooming of their outfits. The Sri Ram Sene is the latest version and chose the mode of communalism to promote and propagate their outfit.

Sri Ram Sene’s chief Pramod Muthalik with multiple criminal records, who led the propaganda of promoting his organization through attacking the individual rights and the response of the Government allowing him to have an open press conference and uttering diktats on any couple found celebrating Valentine's Day will be forced to marry is the repetition of what has witnessed by the nation and the world in BJP-ruled Gujarat and Orissa, where massacres of religious minorities allegedly took place.

Valentine’s Day is the perfect time to express one’s love to loved ones or family members, it brings a smile on their faces. What is wrong with expressing one’s love with one’s lover or family members in the manner one likes? It can be done in Indian ways, or in the way of a love affair between Laila-Majnu or Romeo & Juliet! It is the right of every individual.

The open declaration over the Mangalore pub attack as victory and as a means to increase publicity of the Sri Ram Sene outfit and choosing the mode to promote their propaganda is very apprehensive. The modes of promoting one’s organization through propaganda like the Mangalore pub attack is a serious concern.

Communalism erupts in almost every state of India but how they are tackled is the difference. One recalls the communal genocide of post-Godhra, the one-sidedness of the Modi government to curb the riots and the Naveen Patnaik Government’s inactive response to anti-Christian violence in Orissa, where in the previous case, thousands of innocent Muslims were massacred and in the latter, over 50,000 innocent tribal Christians were forced homeless.

Surprisingly, Hindutva’s brigade did not stop there, but moves to attacking the innocent civil societies. Today they are targeting the youngsters in the name of Indian culture. Tomorrow, nobody knows, but could happen to those of you who see everything but keep mum.

The selection of the right time to carry out the communal attacks by these outfits has always a connection with upcoming elections, either for a state assembly or for the Parliament. The political leaders, particularly of those parties who sympathize with Hindutva outfits would keep quiet and watch until the matter worsens because that helps them gain political mileage.

Hindutva taking root in the southern part of the country through the gateway of Karnataka is another signpost of the attack on Indian secularism and is a grave concern for every Indian citizen. Open acclaim in the cities like Mangalore and the way the accused are left free, gives similar outfits the expectation that they can carry out such acts anywhere and at any time.

The Hindutva hatred has almost spread to every nook and corner of the country. In Western India, beginning from Gujarat to the east up to the North= east frontier, from Jammu and Kashmir in north to Kanyakumari in south, the social fabrics of society are targeted to break through communalism among different religious, ethnic, caste and linguistic groups.

What matters the most is the responsibility of the concerned state government whenever any form of communalism erupts. The inactive responsibility of the Hindutva-sympathetic governments to curb communalism is very unpleasant for civil societies!

A Moratorium on Conversions: Who Decides?

Madhu Chandra — Tue, 14 Oct 2008 13:40:27 EDT

In the first wave of attacks on Christians in modern India during the late 1990s, a Christian leader flinched under the pressure of Hindu extremists and called for a five year moratorium on conversions. Extremist Hindu forces have repeatedly said Christians are engaged in forced and fraudulent conversions and this is the chief reason for 'spontaneous' violence against Christians. The Christian leader apparently succumbed to the incessant propaganda campaign.

During the rule of the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) government, the emboldened RSS maneuvered to bring various Christian denominations and associations into a dialogue that would result in a public agreement to end conversions among the downtrodden castes of India. Major Christian organisations were forced to come to the table due to political pressure and veiled threats. After every meeting with the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), the spokesperson of the RSS informed the media that the Christians had agreed to their agenda of stopping conversions in modern India.

In the midst of this theatre of the absurd, the All India Christian Council (AICC) was one of the main groups that refused to dialogue with the RSS. This aligned with the position of major civil society leaders and human rights movements in India. This decision was also taken in conjunction with Dalit-Bahujan leaders. The AICC differentiated between a genuine dialogue with non-Christian religious leaders and the sham of 'discussions' with Sangh Parivar outfits who have already decided, before the meeting begins, what they want the outcome to be. The AICC supports a genuine dialogue with other faiths out of our respect for our neighbours - Jesus said we must love our neighbour as ourselves - and in order to maintain civil law, decency, and peace.

Currently, the issue of a moratorium on conversions has emerged in the media in fulfillment of the propaganda of the Sangh Parivar. If the Hindu nationalist parties come to power in New Delhi, I suspect Christian organisations will be forced to come to the table again. Once again the AICC will refuse any dialogue on the issue.

Why? The answer is found in a deeper question.

Who ultimately decides the issue of conversion?

According to the India's Constitution the freedom of religion is given to every individual Indian citizen. He or she has the freedom to believe and practice the faith he or she chooses. The freedom of speech enshrined in the Constitution gives every Indian citizen the right to propagate his faith as long as civil norms and decency are maintained.

In the context of the caste revolt in modern India, a revolution which began with Mahatma Phule, Ambedkar, and Periyar, there is another logical reason. If our country does not give the Dalits, tribals and the OBCs (Other Backward Castes) the right to choose their faith, we have effectively imposed permanent slavery of the caste system on them. It was Ambedkar who said that 'I was born a Hindu but I will not die a Hindu'. In 1956 he fulfilled that promise with hundreds of thousands of followers. Since then, rightly or wrongly, the liberation of the oppressed castes is fatefully tied with the choice to convert out of the religion that imposes the caste system on them.

The Indian State tried to deal with caste discrimination by banning the practice of 'untouchability' in the Constitution. With affirmative action provisions through reservation programs, the State tried to lift up the low castes of our society.

In contrast, the Hindu fundamentalist groups led by the RSS only revived and enforced casteist religious practices that demean both the Dalits and also women. These extreme groups have done nothing to enforce the banning of the caste system within their religious systems. It was the Vice-President of the VHP who said the life of a cow is more valuable than the life of a Dalit. This was immediately after five Dalit young men were lynched to death in Jhajjar, Haryana, for skinning a dead cow.

Hindutva groups tried to revive the practice of Sati and have distributed books which contain the Law of Manu which codified the caste system in ancient India.

So who decides on a moratorium on conversions? The RSS? The media ? Those who come to the table and dialogue on this issue? Or the oppressed Dalit and low caste person in India? Dare we take away this final and most basic of human rights from the most dehumanized group of people in human civilization?

Those of us in the AICC movement - we are a coalition of many Christian groups from mainline to Pentecostal - refuse to strip this right from the Dalits or any oppressed group. And we acknowledge there are two sides to the coin. Thus, we refuse to take away this right even from those who are Christians but may choose another faith. Simply said, we believe that, without the freedom of conscience, all other freedoms become meaningless.

We unconditionally condemn all forced and fraudulent conversions and we consider the terms themselves as oxymoron. We condemn proselytizing or any effort to denigrate another faith.

The targeting of Dalits who turned to Christianity in Orissa is now out in the open. This is blatant violence against Dalits who exercised their freedom of conscience. The Dalits are not stupid in matters of conscience. Their leader Dr. Ambedkar has shown them the way. They neither need the State nor upper caste religious leaders to tell them how to make their choices.

The AICC is determined to protect and serve the Dalits. We have stated long ago that we will love and serve them unconditionally with Christ's love whether they are Christians or not.

The Dalit Christian ethnic cleansing of Orissa must be contested by every means possible under the Indian Constitution and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The freedom of religion must be supported in every corner of our beloved country.

Author - Dr. Joseph D'Souza. Dr. Joseph D'Souza is President of the All India Christian Council. Dr. D'Souza lives in India and operates out of London and Denver.

An Attack on Indian Secularism and Democracy

Madhu Chandra — Sat, 27 Sep 2008 14:20:48 EDT

"The expertise to read the signpost of the attack on secularism and democracy in India and monitor accordingly is the need of the hour," said, Ms. Asma Jahangir, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief at her concluding press conference after a three-week mission trip to find the religious intolerance in India early this year.

"Fascism will come to India, in the form of communalism," warned Jawaharlal Nehru, first Indian Prime Minister.

The Independent People's Tribunal conducted a jury hearing of victims of communal violence in different parts of the country in March 2007 and its report is out. The tribunal testified on the rise of fascist forces is the attack on Indian secularism and democracy.

The ongoing and uncontrolled attack on Christians in Orissa, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and now spreading to other parts of India is a clear signpost of Saffron fascist forces involved in religious ethnic cleansing. Most of the churches, Christian homes and Christian villages in Kandhamal and 14 other district of Orissa are vandalized. A single Hindu temple is not attacked in the whole of the state. What signpost does this give to the eyes of every Indian civil society?

The attack on Christians in India is a crystal clear attack on Indian secularism and democracy. India is proud of claiming of being world's largest democracy, and now every member of Indian civil society must know the truth of the saffron fascist forces' attack on India secularism and democracy! It must be stopped, sooner is the better, procrastinating will become harder to break latter.

Fascism has different colors and forms in different parts of the world, including India, the world's largest secular and democratic nation. Definitely for India, the saffron fascist forces are most dangerous like any other terror fascist forces.

The rise of militancy in different parts of the country and their characteristics of operation are the signposts of the fascist forces. Communal violence's base of race, tribe, caste and religions is the neo face of fascism. It is the fascism between religious majority and minority, seen in Anti-Sikh Riots of 1984, Anti-Christian Riots of 1998 in Gujarat, the Gujarat Carnage of 2002, a black Christmas episode of 2007 in Orissa and over 4000 recorded attacks on Indian Christians in 2008.

To cover up its true color of saffron fascism, the saffron brigade has materialized the allegations to establish two "greatest enemies" of the country: Terrorism to Muslims and Conversion to Christians.

The rise of religious intolerance in the last 10 years in India and the media campaign of saffron forces have intoxicated the public mind that Christians are deeply involved in conversion. This has yet to be proven and no Indian court has found it true.

With a selective definition of three enemies, it's easy for Hindutva forces to establish Islam, Christians and Communists as enemies of the nation for the crime of not subscribing the neo-fascist movement of Hindutva.

Saffron fascist forces have selected the soft target of Christians after years of attacking Muslims. Selecting Christians as the next target is much more than just the allegation of proselytisation. Dalits and tribes empowered educationally and economically through Christian missions are seen as a threat to Saffron brigades.

Tribal Christians of the Dang district of Gujarat, Jhabua of Madhya Pradesh, and Kandhamal of Orissa are major victims of the organized attack by Hindutva forces. The episode of black Christmas in the Kandhamal district of Orissa in 2007 and the ongoing attack in different parts of the country are the latest signposts of the attack on Indian secularism and democracy. In black Christmas, the media reported nine Christians killed, over 90 churches and Christian institutions and over 700 Christian homes burnt and over 7000 lives affected. The economic system of tribal Christians was destroyed to ashes.

The ongoing and uncontrolled communal violence on Christians has left over 30 deaths, over 100 churches, 300 Christian villages, 4000 Christian homes burnt down and 50000 Dalit Christians made refugees in forest.

These neo-fascist tactics often go untold and unreported. Not much media coverage, no political party and very few human rights agencies have tried to identify these signposts of attacking Indian secularism and democracy. The young generations, particularly of tribal backgrounds are indoctrinated with the neo-Hindutva form of fascism in saffron-sponsored schools and institutions.

The open acclaim of the Hindutva laboratory of Gujarat in 2002 and its success being announced to apply in all the states is a threatening signpost of the rise of fascism, of which, no one seems to be bothered.

The black Christmas of Orissa incident in 2007 and Kandhamal Violence 2008 and the ongoing violence are the recent signposts, in making Orissa into Gujarat II in the wake of upcoming state elections and general election due in 2009.

The mob terrors caused by the saffron fascist forces like Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Rashtriya Swayam Sangh on Muslim minorities earlier and now on Christians are left out. The mob terror of Hindutva fascist forces caused the damage and lost of lives and properties as much as caused by bomb terrors even more.

The bomb terror must be condemned and banned, then what about the same nature of mob terror caused by the Hindutva fascist forces of which Orissa state government and alike the central have failed to take any major steps to curve the uncontrolled religious ethnic cleansing of Christians in Kandhamal district of Orissa.

What can be said about the steps that should be taken to stop the rise of fascism and the attacks on Indian secularism and democracy?

Maintain an equal eye on all the fascist forces, that have attacked Indian secularism and bring them all equally under the law of the nation, whether they be SIMI or Bajrang Dal.

Legislators are introducing bills to curb the force, fraud and fraudulent conversion while saffron-sponsored forced (re)conversion is never considered as crime.

The preamble of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the fundamental rights of every Indian citizen, will be under threat, if the rise of fascism and attacks on Indian secularism and democracy are left uncontrolled. Time is now for experts to monitor and identify the signpost.

Who Really Does Convert?

Madhu Chandra — Thu, 18 Sep 2008 14:43:01 EDT

Some Hindutva fundamentalists in India have chosen Conversion as a yardstick to kill missionaries, rape nuns, and vandalize churches.

Who actually does fraudulent conversion? Charges are given against Christians and marketed to the whole nation through saffron sponsored media. I am a living example, representing 2.5 million Manipuris, where my forefathers were forcibly converted to Hinduism in 19th century, which is known as PUYA MEITHABA (burning of Meitei Script) by Hindu missionaries. Ever since then, every Manipuri (Meitei) has Singh at the end of every name, although many youngsters are abandoning it by returning to indigenous Meitei religion.

The casteism and untouchability emerged after migration of Hinduism to the Manipur society where caste or creed never existed earlier.

The saffronisation of Hindutva, which is purely the proselytizing movement, does not end with my people there. The ongoing conversion of tribal communities to Hinduism is still in full swing in different parts tribal dominated areas.

We have witnessed the saffronising of Dang district of Gujarat during Sabri Kumbha Mela in 2006. The tribal of Jhabua in MP, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhan, Assam, Arunachal etc are the example of saffronising propaganda of Hindutva forces.

In the land where anti-conversion law is forcefully implemented, the tribal Christians in Kandhamal district of Orissa are in the grip of Hindutva forces. To be alive in the village, one must become Hindu, otherwise get out or get killed is the threatening almost every now and then to the tribal Christians in Kandhamal. The law making machinery calls it freedom of religion.

Christians in MP, Orissa and other states where anti-conversion laws exist are accused for their involvement in force conversion when they themselves are the victim of force conversion at the hands of Hindutva forces.

The Christian population in last twenty years has declined in India. Then how and where comes the question of more people being converted to Christianity in India?

The allegations of conversion is part of the lies and hatred campaign of Hindutva forces. All religions are equal as per as the Constitution of India. The force, fraud and fraudulent conversion carried out is none other than Hindutva forces, that too totally against the will and wishes of the individuals so as it was done to my forefathers in Manipur and its consequences still suffer by the presently community.

Umrao Jaan - A Story of The Indian Girl Child

Madhu Chandra — Fri, 8 Aug 2008 09:41:41 EDT

Umrao Jaan is a Bollywood film produced by Muzaffar Ali in 1981, which was remade by J. P. Dutta in 2006. It is based on the Urdu novel Umrao Jaan Ada written in 1905 by Mirza Hadi Ruswa, based on the life of the famous Lucknow courtesan.

It is a story of an Indian girl child who laments her agony of life, composed in the form of poetry and music, with soul-gripping lyrics.

“Agale Janam Mohe, Betiya na kijo”
“In my next birth, Oh God, don’t bring me as a girl child!”

It is the song of a woman, whose childhood was looted when she was kidnapped by her neighbor Dilwar Khan for revenge against her father for testifying in a criminal case which led him to be imprisoned for several years. She was sold to a brothel at Lucknow at the age of eight, and was later adopted by a couple to bring her up with the same parental care, education, dance, poetry and music, only to charm the wealthy as a famous courtesan of Lucknow.

Ameeran, her parental name was changed to Umrao Jaan (love). The love she earned from wealthy men, who came to the courtesan, also brought her the label “Bazaar Aurat, a prostitute”

In the remake, former Miss Universe and Bollywood Super Star, Aishwariya Rai acted as Umrao Jaan along with Abhishek Bachchan as Nawab Sultan and Sunil Shetty as Faiz Ali.

At the age of 20, when she was fully grown and matured, Umrao got the title “Jaan” after performing a charming courtesan dance and singing at Lucknow, where Umrao caught the eye of wealthy princes, kings, and Nawabs.

Nawab Sultan was one among many such wealthy men, whose love was stolen by the charms of Umrao at first meeting itself. Soon, Umrao got into the net of Sultan, with true passionate romance, not knowing her love for Sultan would be rejected soon. Sultan’s father did not want to see his family defamed by his son marrying a “Bazaar Aurat” and disowned him.

When Sultan didn’t have a penny after his father disowned him he went to live with his uncle at Grahi.

In the absence of Sultan, Umrao was noticed by wealthy Faiz Ali, who wanted her at any cost. Faiz Ali turned to be a dacoit and got arrested during a journey to Grahi with Umrao. Sultan heard the news about Faiz Ali and Umrao’s coming to Grahi, and questioned Umrao about the suspicious relationship with Faiz Ali.

Brokenhearted, Umrao, finally decided to return back to her cage of courtesan at Lucknow, where on her arrival, she was raped by her childhood friend in the brothel, and yet, later, she forgave him unconditionally.

Soon, the British attacked the city and forced her to leave Lucknow. She decided to go to her forgotten childhood home at Faizabad. She found her father dead and her mother and brother refused to accept her because of her profession.

Umrao, shunned by her family, her lover and society, leaves to return to Lucknow, but fate plays another joke and on her way out of the city, she encounters the man who kidnapped and sold her to the brothel in the first place. Poor, wretched, homeless and injured, the man begs for pity, not recognizing that she is Ameeran, and she essentially forgives him.

Shunned by all and having forgiven those who destroyed her life, she lives the rest of her days in Lucknow with her poetry and ill fate.

Umrao Jaan’s story reflects what a girl child often experiences in Indian society where the issues of crimes, abuse and gender discrimination to the girl child are debated continually.

It is a story that reflects the life of a girl child, whose choice is nothing but slavery throughout life, beginning under the dominion of father at childhood, husband at married life and son at old age.

The story reflects the gender discrimination, female foeticide, and female infanticide in our society. The story reflects the trafficking of children, pushing many into the life like of Umrao Jaan.

After being shunned by her mother and brother, Umrao laments,

Tell me. Have you seen such a farewell?
Nor mother, nor father, nor brother.
No one is there.”
Tears are the ornaments and the palanquin of sorrow.
The locked doors are bidding farewell to me.
Never return here even in your dreams.

Look at my lover, he has broken my heart
After abandoning me midway,
He is setting a new life
As like a child gets new toy,
Plays with it for some days and then forgets
Don’t make me a doll like this, who cannot even cry

In the next birth of mine,
Oh God, don’t birth me as a girl child!
Whatever you have done now,
Oh God, don’t do it again.

Where Umrao Jaan was shunned and forsaken, no one could hear the song that narrates her misery, but it was Mirza Hadi Ruswa, who heard as she cried,

You call me, “the voice of broken heart.”
I am the instrument, which contains all melodies
Who am I, what and am I, for whom am I alive?
I myself do not understand.
Tell me the secret.
Tell me the secret.

Justice Delayed for Dalit Girl Burnt Alive in Uttar Pradesh

Madhu Chandra — Thu, 7 Aug 2008 11:48:36 EDT

The world was shocked by recent news of a six year old Dalit girl thrown into a burning bush by the upper caste villagers in India’s largest state of Uttar Pradesh in April, for which justice, even after three months, is still delayed.

A Fact Finding Team consisting of an International Human Rights group met Kamlesh and her parents along with Dalit leaders from her village. The story of justice delayed and the denial of medical and financial aid have been reported to the fact finding team.

Kamlesh’s parents are still in shock, suffering trauma and feel great fear of what will happen, if the accused happened to be released from jail.

On April 29, 2008 in the morning, in a village called Trauali Jhanauti in Mathura District of Uttar Pradesh in north India, Kamlesh was thrown into a burning bush by upper caste fellow villagers for the alleged crime of passing through a house which lies on the roadside toward the open fields where Dalit women and children used to go for open toilet.

When Kamlesh’s mother Manju, eighth months pregnant, attempted to snatch her from burning bush, she was thrashed at roadside and fell unconscious. When Manju came to her senses, she yelled for help. She pulled her daughter out from the burning bush, by the time 80% of her body was burned.

Kamlesh’s parents did not have a single penny to afford taking their daughter to the Hospital; rather they took her to the local police station with the expectation that the police would help them get some medical assistance.

The local police, after registering the complaint, took Kamlesh to the Government District Hospital at Mathura. She suffered five hours at the hospital before proper medical attention was given to her. After 36 hours, she was transferred to a bigger hospital in the district headquarters and later referred to Safdarjung Hospital in New Delhi, where she was treated up to her present condition.

The physical condition of Kamlesh is still grim. No proper medication has been given to her. Her right hand remains crippled, the right leg and skin all over the body are cracked and unhealed. She still groans with pain. Immediate treatment is needed to fully heal the burns.

The little financial aid from government has not been enough to cover the medical cost. Kamlesh’s parents have taken loans from known friends and relatives to pay for the necessary medicines.

Kamlesh’s parents Saudan and Manju are illiterate and do not have any regular job nor fields to cultivate. They depend on their daily wages, which they hardly get 8 to 10 days in a month.

A local Dalit activist and leader of All India Confederation of SC/ST Organizations told the fact finding team,

“For years, Dalit community in the village have been the receiving end of caste instinct crimes such as the case of Kamlesh, but this is the first case that the police has arrested the culprit.”

Justice to Kamlesh and her parents for the crime committed against them is very shaky at this point. The accused and the upper caste communities are wealthier and have better connections with government authorities, through which the crime could be manipulated.

Kamlesh’s father Saudan says,

“Out of four names of the culprits registered in police complaint, three have been removed from the complaint and only one is arrested and put behind the bar without trial. We could be forced to withdraw the complaint against the culprits to compromise the case.”

The lack of sanitary facilities in the village was one of the root causes for ongoing crimes faced by Dalits of the village from upper caste communities. The Dalit village leaders feel that such incidents could be avoided in future, if sanitary facilities for Dalit communities were provided in their village.

Illiteracy, poverty, social oppression and lack of medical accessibility to the Dalits in the villages are the root causes of such atrocities and crimes. Economic and education empowerment of Dalit communities will play a vital role in delivering them their fundamental rights. Failing which, the economic condition of Kamlesh’s parents and alike of other Dalit families; will always fall short to give education to their children in the village.

Ignorance caused by the lack of education could be one of many factors for caste-based discrimination and atrocities, which Dalits have been suffering for years. Surely the stories like that of Kamlesh could be prevented in future through proper community-based education and amelioration of living conditions.

Fifty Years Ago Came The AFSPA - India's 9/11

Madhu Chandra — Sun, 25 May 2008 15:27:30 EDT

50 years of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act to fight the internal armed rebels

In the making of the history, 9/11 is now well known and remembered for the tragic terror attacks on the World Trade towers. The world has come united ever since for the counter fight against terrorism.

There is something that has existed much longer but is little known - the 9/11 of India - called the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). It was signed into law in 1958 after it was passed as ordinance on May 22 of that year by the Indian Parliament.

The anti-AFSPA forces have termed it a draconian law, which enables certain special powers to be conferred upon members of the armed personnel in the North Eastern states of India to suppress the armed rebels.

Those who are anti-AFSPA are of civil societies, scholars, activists and students. They marked its 50th year of draconian law in a symposium held at the Press Club of India on May 22, 2008. Panelists included Mr Sanjoy Hazarika - Member of Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee, Dr Bimol Akoijam - Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Mr. Ravi Himadri - The Other Media, and Siddhartha - The Hindu. They described how the AFSPA has failed to suppress the internal arm rebels in its 50 years of implementation.

The AFSPA was formulated to meet the challenges of the arising assertions of the Naga tribes in the then Naga hills of Assam and the then part of North Eastern Frontier Agency, which was later extended to the whole of the North Eastern states of India. The law was applied only as far as the North Eastern states until it was extended to Jammu and Kashmir in 1990.

The outcry of the public in Jammu and Kashmir and the North Eastern communities, who look different from rest of the country is, "Why is this draconian law only applied to us?"

Their belief is that the 50 years of sustained violence and impunity under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, has been racially discriminating.

The AFSPA has been a tool to answer the armed rebel groups in North East India and Jammu and Kashmir for last 50 years. Very little, or nothing is done to sort through the ideology of why the youngsters of the community are taking up the arms. The AFSPA has failed in its objectives.

Mr. Sanjoy Hazarika reported to the symposium when the Jeevan Reddy Commission asked the state Chief Ministers of North Eastern States and Jammu and Kashmir, that "Chief Ministers said that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act has caused the increase of armed rebels in North Eastern India and Jammu and Kashmir."

The concern of the civil society is the consequences that have sprung up from the implementation of the AFSPA. The civil human rights have been violated in outnumbering cases while encountering the armed rebels.

Section 4 (a) of the AFSPA gives power to armed forces personnel to shoot at anyone suspicious; Section 4 (b) to destroy the shelter of the armed rebels and Section 4 (c) to search and arrest without warrant. A power is bestowed upon armed forces personnel to arrest and interrogate suspicious civilians as cognizable offences.

The backwards thinking AFSPA has left many uncountable incidents where civilians have been tortured unnecessarily and it has resulted in the violation of many civil rights. Whether India should still consider using this law is the million-dollar unanswered question since it has actually failed to achieve it target.

While exposing the little known 9/11 of India, the AFSPA, the state of Manipur has taken the worst hit. The economic development and poor education has totally paralyzed the state. The ongoing public strike, economic blockage, killing, extortion never seems to cease.

The recent uprising of the public's retaliation against insurgents in Heirok and Chajing of Manipur is opposed and supported by civil societies. Most of those who opposed the decision of Union Government and the state to arm the villagers to defend themselves from militants are from those civilians who live in comfort zones and have had hardly any experience as the people of the two towns have suffered.

The idea of arming villagers with .303 rifles to defend themselves from militants often equipped with AK 47s seems to be a surprise to many but many have also failed to understand the agony and pain the villagers have suffered from militants and by those who dared to speak against them.

The lamentation of the villagers in Manipur is about why youngsters who have joined rebel groups in the name of fighting for Manipur's independent are now returned back to torture, to kill, to exhort and to harass innocent civilians.

When 50 years of the AFSPA have failed to solve the armed rebel issue, arming the villagers to defend themselves will only be another story of failure. Could there be any other alternative means to solve the issue with other better laws or efforts?

The alternative means to tackle the issue will be crucial. Could the alternative be ideological combat to discover why youngsters are taking up arms?

The uprising of the civil public now opposing the diktats culture of militants, will be more important than the arming of the civil societies.

The armed rebellion of Mizoram was brought to an end at the table through negotiation in 1985, and the current cease fire negotiations of Naga rebels is a good gesture and another positive example.

The public of Manipur wants peace and development. The parents of GenX desire their children to study and choose sports rather than guns. Rejection of the gun culture was demonstrated in the towns by burning the replica of guns - and footballs were replaced in their hands.

It was a good demonstration of moving forward.

Attack on Secularism and Democracy: The Signposts

Madhu Chandra — Tue, 25 Mar 2008 10:59:57 EDT

"The expertise to read the signpost of the attack on secularism and democracy in India and monitor accordingly is the need of the hour," says Ms. Asma Jahangir, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief at her concluding press conference after a three-week mission trip to find the religious intolerance in India.

"The Fascism will come to India, in the form of communalism," says Jawaharlal Nehru, first Indian Prime Minister.

The Independent People’s Tribunal conducted a jury hearing of victims of communal violence in different parts of the country in March 2007 and its report is out. The tribunal testified the rise of fascist forces is the attack on Indian secularism and democracy.

Fascism and its rise is the grave threat to secularism and democracy for any nation of the world. Fascism has its different colors and forms in different parts of the world including India, the world’s largest secular and democratic nation.

Fascists can be identified by reading the signpost of forces attacking Indian secularism and democracy.

The rise of militancy in different parts of the country and their characteristics of operation are never less than the signpost of the fascist forces. Communal violence's base of race, tribe, caste and religions is the neo face of fascism. It is the fascism between religious majority and minority, seen in Anti-Sikh Riots of 1984, Anti-Christian Riots of 1998 in Gujarat, the Gujarat Carnage of 2002 and a black Christmas episode of 2007 in Orissa of which an Independent People’ Tribunal is due for its hearing.

To cover up its true color of saffron fascism, the Saffron Brigade has materialized to establish three "greatest enemies" of" the country: Terrorism, Conversion and Communism. A beard for Christians is a sign for fashion, for Sikhs is a religious connection but for a Muslim a beard determines him to be a terrorist through the saffron campaign. The rise of religious intolerance in the last 10 years in India and the media campaign of saffron forces have intoxicated the public mind that Christians are deeply involved in conversion. This has yet to be proven and no Indian court has found it true. The secular civil societies who do not subscribe to saffron ideology have been termed as communist.

With a selective definition of three enemies, it’s easy for Hindutva forces to establish Islam, Christians and Communists - who do not subscribe the neo-fascist movement of Hindutva - as enemies of the nation. The communalization propaganda of saffron forces is the signpost of attacking Indian secularism and democracy.

Saffron fascist forces have selected the soft target of Christians after years of attacking Muslims. Selecting Christians as the next target is much more than just the allegation of proselytisation. Dalits and tribes empowered educationally and economically through Christian missions are seen as a threat to Saffron brigades.

These educated and economically empowered Dalits and tribals break the caste structure established by Brahminical heads. The saffron brigade has formed neo-fascist forces to stop minority religious missions from further empowering Dalits and tribals of the country.

Tribal Christians of the Dang district of Gujarat, Jhabua of Madhya Pradesh, and Kandhamal of Orissa are major victims of the organized attack by Hindutva forces. The episode of black Christmas in the Kandhamal district of Orissa in 2007 is the latest signpost of the attack on Indian secularism and democracy. Media reported nine Christians killed, over 90 churches and Christian institutions and over 700 Christian homes burnt and over 7000 lives affected. The economic system of tribal Christians was destroyed to ashes.

These neo-fascist tactics often go untold and unreported. No political party and very few human rights agencies have tried to identify these signposts of attacking Indian secularism and democracy. The young generations particularly of tribal backgrounds are indoctrinated with the neo Hindutva form of fascism in saffron-sponsored schools and institutions.

The open acclaim of the Hindutva laboratory of Gujarat in 2002 and its success being announced to apply in all the states is a threatening signpost of the rise of fascism, of which, no one seems to be bothered.

The black Christmas of Orissa incident in 2007 is the recent signpost, making Orissa into Gujarat II in the wake of upcoming state elections. Mr. Narendra Modi, chief minister of Gujarat, was celebrating his second-term victory when the Hindutva forces rampaged on tribal Christians in Orissa. The Orissa Chief Minister, Mr. Naveen Patnaik kept misleading the nation by terming the situation in Kandhamal had been brought to normal when the Hindutva forces kept attacking Christians. None will realize how big was the attack until one’s own eyes see the ashes still lying without proper rehabilitation and protection.

What can be said about the steps that should be taken to stop the rise of fascism and the attacks on Indian secularism and democracy? The laws are made to tackle the rise of fascism in the form of terrorism. State legislators are introducing bills to curb the force, fraud and fraudulent conversion. What about the open attack on minority religious communities in India? What about the wide spread of Hindutva ideologies in organized saffron schools and institutions? What about the hate media campaign on minorities?

The preamble of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the fundamental rights of every Indian citizen, will be under threat, if the rise of fascism and attacks on Indian secularism and democracy are left uncontrolled. Time is now for experts to monitor and identify the signpost.

Christmas Beyond the Manger

Madhu Chandra — Mon, 26 Nov 2007 11:50:07 EST

Christmas is celebrated around the globe, mostly with the portrait of mere babe Jesus lying in a manger of Bethlehem’s cold night. Homes decorated, cake baked, new costumes dressed, bells rang, cars parked, whispering the melodious wishes of “Joy to the World, the Lord has Come” by breaking the “Silent Night, Holy Night” – that too for many is the occasion once in a year.

Celebration of Jesus’ birthday has been focused around the manger for centuries, while the world has changed to one end to another. Look beyond the manger is the intimation to all Christ loving followers.

Far and near, beyond the manger, unheard, unreported and hidden stories exist around the world. Beyond the manger, Indian churches will need to look at the unreported, unheard and hidden stories.

One of its unreported, unheard and hidden stories beyond the manger is the caste apartheid that existed in India for last three thousand years under the Brahmanical control. While celebrating Christmas year after years around the manger, India churches have failed to take note of caste and its apartheid, which also migrated within the Indian churches.

India Christians have stayed long enough around the manger and failed to notice the world’s worst apartheid to humanity under caste system. And seemingly, the global church and the world were kept hidden from this reality.

When Christians think about Christ given commission, we often tend to dwell around the manger of preaching the message of Jesus half and the medical and educational services were provided optional role to get involved in society.

India Churches have failed to see the reality of hidden stories of caste, apartheid and exploitation in the world’s largest democracy country. Definitely, to make full sense of Jesus’ birthday celebration, will required His church to fully understand His mission noted in the gospel of St. Luke 4:18-19.

“The Spirit of the Lord is upon Me, because He has anointed Me to preach the gospel to the poor; He has sent Me to heal the brokenhearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to sent the liberty those who are oppressed; to proclaim the acceptable year of the LORD.”

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is to see the two faces of India’s poor and rich. India’s Economic boom has benefited to “Indian haves.” Space between Indian haves and Indian have-nots spreads in wild fire like situation. India’s dreaming to become world super power will only produce super global rich Indians while 250 million live in less than a dollar a day earning.

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is that social, educational, economic and spiritual captivity - the captivity beyond the sin and sinful nature. There are hidden modern forms of slavery in Indian society, who needs to be liberateed oppressed, not only from sin but also deliverance from India’s hidden slavery of caste, apartheid and discrimination.

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is the raise of fascism in India, which has attacked Indian secularism. Saffron brigades with western money power have attacked Indian secularism. All the Indian Christians need to look beyond the manger to guard the God given secular state, provided by Indian Constitutions.

In the words of Dr. Sam Paul – Public Affair Secretary of All India Christian Council (www.aiccindia.org), “Christian community gave Quality Education, Quality Health Care and Quality Preaching to make Indians better citizens by following God given values. In return, Christians received physical, legal and Media violence.”

The Fascist forces have termed Christians, Islam and globalization as greatest enemies of country by singling out the Islam as terrorist, Christians as proselytizers, globalization as destroyers of Indian culture and tradition.

The Saffron fascists have been propagated Christians as proselytizers for the service of providing quality education, quality medical health care and quality teaching.

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is the India’s 10 million manual scavengers whose birth rights have been assigned by the Brahmanical oppressors to clean human night shits, which Dr. Joseph D’souza – International President of Dalit Freedom Network (www.dalitnetwork.org) called it modern form of slavery.

“The cruel caste system has been a huge, never-ending problem for us as Indians. Our inability to eradicate caste completely even after the rise of prophets like Mahatma Phule and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar reveals our own blindness to one of the most dehumanizing systems the world has ever known,” says Dr. D’souza.

Rev. Vidhya Sagar Dogar’s work on “Rural Christians of North West India” reveals that 11% of Dalit Christians in Punjab still carries the human shits on their head every morning.

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is the 57 years old constitutional discrimination to Dalits who chose their faith different from Hinduism. Dalits choosing Sikhism and Buddhism were punished for six years and later for forty years until Article 341 Para 3 was amended in 1956 and 1990.

The Dalits are still constitutionally punished for choosing Christianity and Islam by ceasing their names from SC status. The constitutional beneficiaries and the coverage of Prevention of SC/ST Atrocity Acts 1995 are denied till today to those Dalits who chose Christianity and Islam according to the freedom of choice and conscience provided by Indian Constitution.

The need of the hour to look beyond the manager is new proposal of redefining Minority Status bill pending in United Progressive Alliance Government’s agenda. Attempt to redefine minority status at state level will loose the minority status presently available to Christians in Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya. Sikhs in Punjab and Muslims in Jammu & Kashmir will also loose their minority status.

What is the necessity of redefining minority status at state level? Or is it some form of attempt to harass minorities?

The need of the hour to look beyond the manger is the ever increasing Christian persecution in India. Four attacks per week have added 192nd attacks from January till date. This account does not include the unreported incidents.

While celebrating this year’s Christmas, thousand of Christians will fear to open their mouths to sing even a single word of “Joy to the world.” Hindutva forces watch close to attack, kill and torch. Singing “Joy to the World” will be allegedly with false charges of forced and fraud conversion to many pastors, fathers, nuns and Christian brothers and sisters. Standing up for rights together and condemning defaulter is the rights to look the beyond manger.

Last but never the least, the need of the hour to look beyond the manger is the Anti Conversion Laws being passed by different states. The anti conversion laws in Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Orissa, Arunachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Himachal Pradesh have been termed as anti constitutional by National Commission for Minorities as it violate the fundamental rights provided by Indian Constitution.

Look beyond the manger is the intimation to all Christians for this Christmas. The modern form of hidden slavery, the raise of fascist’s greater threat to Indian secularism, the space between Indian haves and Indian have-nots, the physical, legal and media harassment on Christians, are few to look beyond the manger.

The Junta's Misrule In Burma

Madhu Chandra — Sat, 29 Sep 2007 05:40:18 EDT

Burma is divided into seven states and seven divisions. The states are divided on the basis of Burma’s ethnic background which is geographically distinct and represented by major ethnic groups like Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Bamar, Mon, Rakhine, and Shan. Seven divisions are designated for the Burman community who forms two-thirds of Burma’s population.

Burma has its own history of colonization and its freedom struggle. Burma got independence in 1948 from colonial rule and was a democratic country from 1948 to 1962.

However, democratic rule ended in 1962 with a military rule dictatorship by General Ne Win, who was made commander-in-chief of its army. In 1958, during a governmental crisis, Ne Win stepped in as head of the caretaker government. Widely unpopular, his government fell in 1960, but two years later he seized power again by military coup and thereafter ruled as virtual dictator. Ne Win ruled for nearly 26 years and pursued policies under the Burmese Way to Socialism with total dictatorship. After his political and official retirement in 1988, his successor Saw Maung continued junta rule in Burma till 1992.

Burma 8888 Uprising is known for demanding democracy which took place on 8 August 1988 and ended on 18 September 1988 with a bloody military action where thousands of lives were slaughtered by Burmese Junta rulers. In response to the Uprising, General Saw Maung staged a coup and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).

After years of political oppression and economic corruption and stagnation, the Burmese people began what was to grow into a full-scale rebellion. They demanded an end to one-party rule and the abandonment of the Burmese Way to Socialism. In 1990, after 30 years, Aung San Suu Kyi – the leader of the National League for Democracy was elected in legislative elections in 1990 by winning 80% of the national seats. Saw Maung was condemned worldwide for imprisoning Aung San Suu Kyi and thousand other political leaders.

Saw Maung was succeeded by Than Shwe in April 1992 as chairman of SLORC and released nearly two thousand political leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi. Although Aung San Suu Kyi was released from prison, she has been kept under house arrest till today.

In 1997, the Burma Junta announced that it would change the official military regime from State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) under the chairmanship of Than Shwe. Till today SPDC under the leadership of senior General Than Shwe continues the junta rule in Burma.

Human Rights Violations in Burma

The human rights violence in Burma under junta rule can be defined in three-fold drives known as “Three Bs” - to make ethnic tribes as Burmans, to convert ethnic religions into Buddhism and to impose Burmese literature and language on ethnic communities.

Burmanisation of Ethnic Communities

Burma is a land with diversity of culture, ethnic, language, faith and tradition was once known as “Rice bowl of Asia.” Burman, the majority community, has superior complexity in Burmese society, where ethnic communities feel ill-treated. Majority of Junta rulers hail from the Burman community, who with military power, impose Burman culture by destroying ethnic cultures, faith, tradition and practices.

Salai Za Uk Ling talks about Chin ethnic communities in Burma, “… systematic efforts were made by the Burmese military junta to eliminate the religion (Christianity), literature, culture, and traditions of the Chin people in order to assimilate them into a homogeneous Burman culture.”

A report released by Women’s League of Chinland published in Asian Tribune mentions Burmese Junta’s tactics to Burmanise ethnic tribes, “In addition to rape… Burma Army soldiers are promised 100,000 kyat to marry a Chin woman. Giving Burmese soldiers, who are predominantly Buddhist, incentives to marry Chin Christian women is part of the regime's strategy of "Burmanisation”.”

Proselytizing the Ethnics to Buddhism

Buddhism is known for its peace and harmonic nature of religion but Burma’s Junta have given it an ugly face. Buddhist Monks under the shadow and protection of Burmese Junta, involve in proselytizing ethnic communities, particularly of Christians, into Buddhism.

Residents of Chin state, where 90% of the population are Christians, have the practice of erecting cross on church and mountain tops. Military often will break down the cross and force villagers to construct Buddhist pagoda in the same place.

“Junta’s policy of alluring illiterate and poor ethnic communities with free child education has been regular practices to convert to Buddhism,” says a refugee the fact-finding team met in the Indo-Burma Border. “This sort of practice is more among Christian communities,” says Cheery Zahau – an activist.

Khonumthung News reports, “Many Chin youths have also reportedly sought work in the monastery-cum-orphanage. The orphans and workers of the monastery-cum-orphanage have to convert to Buddhism prior to admission to the institution.”

Imposition of Burmese Language on Ethnic Minorities

Destroying one's language and literature is a powerful tool to eliminate any ethnical identity. It has been reported that military regimes have forced ethnic people to study Burmese literature and speak their language.

Burmese refugees in one particular town in Indo-Burma boarder testified to fact finding team, “We are accused for using our Chin language in the church. They asked us to speak their language in the church.”

The forms of human rights violation in Burma number many but the denial of fundamental rights to live, speak and practice remains the same. Anyone can think of any form of human rights violation that happens to the people of Burma and its refugees in neighboring countries.

Forced Labor

The present SPDC Junta regime claims its development work by constructing monuments, building and road construction in major cities and towns. Cheery Zahau reports, “Most of these constructions are done through means of forced labors without pay and proper food.”

Forced labor camp are a well known phenomena Burmese ethnic communities. Male members of every household and females in the case the males are absent are compelled to work in forced labor camp without pay and enough food. Failing to obey diktat of junta will only fall in the prey of junta rulers.

In the night in forced labor camp, juntas will allegedly rape the ethnic girls and women. A refugee girl reports, “One of her friend in force labor camp in Chinland was raped by a military in night. When she refused, the soldier bit the nipple of my friend and raped her savegely.”

Forced Porters

Most of the seven states in Burma are situated in thick forests and hill stations. Means of transportation depends on foot porters. Forced porter is regular practice of Junta in Burma. Transit of military convoy will force ethnic villagers to submit to junta order. Without proper food, loaded with heavy loads, villagers will walk through forests, rivers and mountains, some time for five days and nights.

Female members are forced in the absence of male members and they risk their lives. Many a time they became victims of rape during forced porters.

During the journey, they take night shelters in nearby villages. Very often villagers are forced to provide food for military armies with demand of any food items. Many a time villagers ends up feeding military armies with meal items borrowed from others.

Democratic Voice of Burma reports, “A woman porter who fled into India also told DVB that there were 8 people in her group of porters and that they each had to carry army rations weighing up to 20 kilos and they were not given food either. Women porters were also beaten up and swore at like their male counterparts. They had to beg food at villages on their way home. The porters and villagers were not allowed to worship freely as they are Christians and the soldiers demanded fresh produce from their farms also.”

Forced Marriage/Rape

Forced Marriage is related to proselytizing and Burmanising Christians and ethnic tribes. A Burmese human rights activist base at Mizoram says, “SPDC have policy to promote Burmese military if marries a Chin Christian women.”

“Due to extreme poverty, many ethnic women trapped in marrying military armies not of their choice but compel and force,” says a villager.

In the drive to ethnic cleaning, the junta have used the tool of raping ethnic women. South China Morning Post reports on February 23, 1980, “The Burmese Army, with 300,000 troops, has for the last 35 years effectively been a school for rape and ethnic cleansing of women from ethnic minorities. Many girls living in the southern panhandle have continued to be raped by soldiers after the signing of a cease-fire between the New Mon State Party and the junta in June 1995.”

Among the Burmese public, ethnic minorities suffer most. A report says, “Rape by the Burmese military, particularly against ethnic minority women, is institutional and endemic throughout areas of conflict in Burma. However, the government does not provide protection for these women.”

In the case of rape, the military junta has not left any legal system to file a case against culprits. The rape victims in most casesare despised by their own communities which has led many rape victims to turn into professional prostitutes.

The lives of young Burmese are not safe at all. Many fall in the prey of Burmese Junta armies. Women’s League of Chinland reports, “Chin Women are not safe in their fields nor in their own homes… Burmese soldiers destroy Chin women's lives ... As the military presence increased, so did sexual crimes in Chin State.”

Shan Human Rights Foundation reports an awful incident, “On September 15, 1997, 120 troops led by Capt. Htun Mya found 42 women and 57 men hiding in the forest in Kunhing Township. The troops gang-raped all the women for two days and two nights. Afterwards, the soldiers reportedly killed all the 99 villagers.”

Child Soldiers

Child solders in Burma’s Junta regime are another form of violating human rights. Burma is believed to have more child soldiers than any other country in the world. The overwhelming majority of Burma's child soldiers are found in Burma's national army, the Tatmadaw Kyi, which forcibly recruits children as young as eleven. These children are subject to beatings and systematic humiliation during training. Once deployed, they must engage in combat, participate in human rights abuses against civilians, and are frequently beaten and abused by their commanders and cheated of their wages. Refused contact with their families and facing severe reprisals if they try to escape, these children endure a harsh and isolated existence.

Religious Persecution

Fundamental right to profess and propagate one's chosen faith and religion is absent in Junta rule in Burma. Religious persecution is more often carried out amongst Christian minorities. Many of the arrests and attacks are not reported but remain in prison for months and years without trial.

The SPDC regime has ceased granting any permission to construct church buildings while destroying churches and construction of pagodas is allowed or forced under junta encouragement. Conducting Christian gatherings for prayer and worship other than church is prohibited, anyone violating these rules can face imprisonment.

The Chins are ninety per cent Christians, and have faced religious persecution in various forms for decades. Chin Christians suffer persecution on two counts - ethnicity and religion. Asian Tribune reports, “If you are double C, being a Chin and being a Christian, you have nothing in Burma, not a bright future at all”

Removal of Freedom of Speech and Expression

To have supreme control, taking away the freedom of speech, expression and formation of union and party is the powerful tool that military regimes have adopted.

Whatever the taste may it be, the rules and orders from junta has to be obeyed. A freedom of speech and expression to question will only end up in junta harassment and imprisonment.

Keep the mouth shut and suffer silently is the culture imposed on every citizen of Burma by junta rulers in last forty or more years. That is exactly what fact finding found out while questioning.

Tax imposition on Those working abroad

The anti-Junta public are kept away from linkage with global communities. Forming unions, political parties and human rights activities are in total control of junta rulers.

The illusion of ignorance is the tool military rulers use most in Burma. The capable and future young geniuses are imposed with heavy taxes when they go aboard for jobs. An activist reported, “Monthly taxes are imposed on any Burmese geniuses go aboard for job.”

Poverty

The military rule has resulted in making Burma one of the poorest countries in the world, while the rich and military supporters possess unimaginable wealth. An activist reports, “Many Burmese military officials send their children to colleges and schools in Singapore by flight on daily basis.” Whereas the general public live below the poverty line.

Every increase in daily living cost makes the lives of general public wretched. It is reported that many ethnic villagers had to flee to neighboring countries like India, Malaysia, Thailand and Lau to escape from military harassment and to earn daily livelihood. Burmese refugees fleeing from their country do not make any differences in their poverty. Most of the refugees in the state of Mizoram, Manipur and Delhi live in same socio-economic condition.

In Indo-Burma bordering Indian states, refugees have to depend on their daily wages. Some work in road construction, stone crushing, hire labor, taxi driver, footpath sales, servant etc. Daily wagers earn an average of INR 30/40 (less than US$ 1) per day and they do not find enough work through out the month. They manage to get hardly 15 days’ daily wages in a month.

A refugee who runs charcoal mining from forest wood says, “I get one or two bags of charcoal in five days which will cost some INR 100. Local villagers harass us as we had to cut the trees in forest to mine the charcoals.”

A sad part of the story is that many Burmese refugees were involve in criminal cases such as like drug, arms and ammunition trafficking to survive their families. Most of these crimes are due to extreme poverty.

Many of the refugees in the state capital of Aizawl run illegal local rice beer brewing mills. They have been accused of spoiling the young lives by rice beer consumption.

Crimes Against Females

Female members of universal humanity at one point or other have been receiving end of sexual abuse and physical assault in many part of the world. This is very true to the female members of Burma’s public.

Most of the sexual abuse went without any form report and protest just because of infrastructure failure of judicial system in Burma. Most victims fear of deportation from hosting countries when the crimes are protested.

Khonumthung News report that a minor 13 years old Burmese refugee girl was attempted to rape by landlord – Kulbir Singh on July 20, 2006. When Burmese refugee communities reported to police, they were threaten, “Some residents of Uttam Nagar are reported to have shouted slogans like “Repatriate the refugees. Kill them all.”

Many of the Burmese rape victims turn to prostitution, not out of choice, but out of compulsion. Instead of applying balm on wound, general Burmese public despise the rape victims. When rape victims cannot face shame despise, most of them finally turn to the sex market to live and survive. They did not find life never easier there but mostly to face life threatening killer disease HIV. “The number of Burmese women and girls traveling to Thailand through Mae Sai to enter the sex industry is increasing. 60% of them are less than 18 years of age,” says Bangkok Post dated June 2, 1997.

Indrani Singh on her paper on Globalization and Human rights reports on 200,000 Burmese women trafficking to Karachi (Pakistan) and to sex industry in Thailand. writes, “The military and political situations in Burma, has led to an increase in migration, which has made women extremely vulnerable to trafficking for prostitution.”

Most of Burmese trafficked to sex industries are aged 12 – 18. Tools used in trafficking are “Deceptive job placements, abduction by agents and the sale of girls from hill tribes are all forms of trafficking.”